本試卷為東華大學族群關係與文化學系102學年度第二學期博士資格考之「文化理論」科目。應考生禁止討論、抄襲(含網路資料),並應沿用學術論文格式書寫,正確書目引用,避免錯別字。應考時間為2014年4月28日星期一中午12點至5月1日星期四中午12點。紙本以雷射影印方式繳交系辦,不接受遲交。
請運用本課程所學內容,就以下三個題目任選兩題,作為答題理論基礎,並提出個人論點和反思。(每題正文不含參考書目之回答字數為6,000-8,000字)
1. Lila Abu-Lughod sees the concept of "culture" as a tool for
"making other" and says that "anthropologists should now pursue…
a variety of strategies for writing against culture." Marshall Sahlins presents a very different
view of culture — one in which culture is neither good nor bad, but simply
omnipresent — when he asks, "If it is true that commodification is the
death of authentic culture, how come Americans still have one?" Drawing on
examples from Indigenous culture in Taiwan, compare and contrast these two
different views of culture. In making your answer draw upon structuralist,
functionalist, interpretive, and post-structuralist theories of culture,
including (but not limited to) Levi-Strauss, Evans-Pritchard, Geertz, and
Bourdieu.
*
Abu-Lughod, Lila. “Writing against Culture,” in Richard Fox (ed.), Recapturing
Anthropology. Santa Fe, NM: School of American Research, (1991): 137–162.
*
Sahlins, Marshall. "Two or Three Things that I Know about Culture."
*The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute* 5, no. 3 (1999): 399.
2. Both Foucault and Gramsci evoke Machiavelli's "The Prince"
to talk about the modern state. For Gramsci "the modern price" was
the communist party who needed to shape cultural hegemony in order to secure
political power. For Foucault it was Machiavelli's focus on the "art of
governing" that was of interest — an art which Foucault links to
development of the prison and the mental institution. Compare and contrast
these two theories of power with relation to contemporary Taiwan. In making
your answer, consider using David Harvey's concept of "neoliberalism"
and Benedict Anderson's theory of an "imagined community."
*
Foucault, M. ‘Questions of method’ in Miller, P. et al (eds) *The Foucault
effect.* (1991): Chicago University Press
*
Gramsci, Antonio. *The modern prince and other writings.* (1967): New York:
International Publishers.
3. George Marcus在〈The Uses of Complicity〉文章裡評述過往人類學調查過程中——即便充滿困難恐懼、不確定、偶發事件,或是涉及倫理處境、自我懷疑——與研究對象建立起和諧一致的關係(rapport),始終是民族誌田野工作的門檻與成就標誌,依此彰顯外部者得以平和地進入內部者的世界(Ethnography
through Thick & Thin, 1998:106)。然而人類學處境始終充滿合作、矛盾與衝突,於是人類學家與研究對象的「同謀」關係(complicity)——作為雙方對待彼此的互存狀態——表達了一項在田野調查時所面臨的「人類學諷刺」(anthropological irony; Marcus 1998:110)。這種民族誌書寫者的自我覺察意識和倫理姿態使得人類學逐漸反省究竟「我們」是誰:例如Johannes Fabian在Time and the Other(1983:157)宣稱「The We of
anthropology then remains an exclusive We [略]」、Clifford Geertz在Works and
Lives指陳「Who are we to describe them? 」(1988:135)、Akhil Gupta和James Ferguson在Culture, Power, Place(1997:24, 42-44)則強調「How can “we” anthropologists presumes to speak for
“them,” our informants? [中間略] Who is
this “we”?」請評論當代民族誌知識生產之「人類學諷刺」為何,並依據上述文獻回答「那麼,『我們』究竟是誰?」
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